This case study synthesizes interview results with other sources to paint a clear picture of governance and related issues facing Florida's higher education system. It is based on documents gathered from public offices, higher education institutions, and relevant publications. Interviews with state officials, education administrators, faculty, and staff took place in June and November 1995.





State Context

Political Context

With nearly 14 million people, Florida is the fourth most populous state in the nation. Its population is more homogeneous than the other study states, but is growing in diversity, with nearly 12 percent identified as Hispanic and 14 percent as African-American. Florida has grown faster than the rest of the nation in each decade since it became a territory in 1821. Between 1980 and 1990, the population increased by 33 percent, moving it from the seventh to the fourth largest state. Much of this growth was the result of the immigration of retirees, foreign immigrants from Latin and South America and young adults attracted by jobs generated by the state's robust economy. Florida's population is expected to continue growing during the 1990s, albeit at a slower rate (growth is projected at 19 percent for the decade).

Florida is also distinct in its large temporary population, which is comprised of tourists, visitors and part-time residents. These temporary "residents" account for a large portion of the state's economic activity in the form of jobs, income, and tax revenue. They also place demands on transportation, the health care system, law enforcement, and a number of other service areas. On the whole, the state is sensitive to tax policies that shift burdens heavily onto part-time residents or visitors.

Florida is experiencing rapid growth in its younger and older populations. The state ranks first in the percentage of people over age 65, and 23 percent of the state's population is 17 years of age or younger. The rate of growth for each of these groups is increasing faster than the state's population as a whole. While Florida ranks last in the seven study states in terms of the percentage of its population age 24 or younger (see Table 1), the state expects considerable growth in this age group over the next decade. Of the case study states, Florida ranks the lowest in the number of new high school graduates per 1,000 population, and it has the highest high school dropout rate. Florida also ranks low in relation to the other case study states in the percentage of the population that have baccalaureate, graduate or professional degrees.

Table 1
Contextual Variables for Florida Compared to Selected States

(Numbers in Parentheses Represent Rank Among the Seven Study States)
Contextual Variables
High
(1-2)
Average
(3-5)
Low
(6-7)
U.S.
Average
Population (in Millions) (1995)
14.2 (4)
Per Capita Income (in Thousands) (1995)
$22.9 (5)
$22.8
Potential Tax Revenue (1995-96)**
114 (2)
100
New High School Graduates per 1,000 Population (1995-96)?
7.1 (7)
9.6
Role of Private Higher Education§
Major
Role of Governor?
Weak
% of Population with Associate Degree (1990)
6.6 (3)
6.2
% of Population with Baccalaureate Degree (1990)
12.0 (6)
13.1
% of Population with Graduate or Professional Degree (1990)
6.3 (6)
7.2
% of Population 24 Years Old or Younger (1995)
32.0 (7)
35.5
% of Population that is Anglo (1990)
83.1 (2)
80.3
% of Population Who Do Not Speak English in Home (1990)
17.3 (4)
13.8
% of Population in Poverty (1994)
14.9 (4)
14.5
High School Dropout Rate (1992-1994 Average)
12.0 (1)
9.0
* This figure is expressed as an Index: National Average = 100.

Sources: Unless otherwise noted, data are drawn from Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac 43, no. 1 (September 1996), pp. 49-50.
? From K. Halstead, State Profiles for Higher Education 1978 to 1996: Trend Data (Washington, D.C.: Research Associates of Washington, 1996), pp. 17, 20.
§ From Task Force on State Policy and Independent Higher Education, The Preservation of Excellence in American Higher Education: The Essential Role of Private Colleges and Universities (Denver: Education Commission of the States, 1990), pp. 30-32.
? From J. M. Burns, J. W. Peltason, and T. E. Cronin, State and Local Politics: Government by the People (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1990), p. 113.


As with many other states, Florida experienced a major recession from late 1990 through early 1992. Throughout this recessionary period, Florida's elected officials were faced with difficult choices that resulted from slower than expected growth in state revenues. Public opinion favored reducing spending rather than increasing taxes. At the same time, the number of recipients qualifying for Medicaid, AFDC, and food stamps was growing as a consequence of high unemployment during the recession. Also, as a result of the in-migration during the 1980s, children of baby boomers began creating additional pressure for public school spending.

About 70 percent of the state's general fund revenue comes from sales taxes. Florida's constitution prohibits the enactment of a state income tax. The property tax is the most important revenue source for local government in Florida, along with fees and charges. Florida voters passed a property tax limitation in 1992 during the depths of the recession. The voters' animosity toward property taxes seems to have carried over into other areas, particularly user fees, making it more difficult for state leaders to find alternative revenue-generating strategies. While Florida is considered one of the nation's "low" tax states, a study by Florida TaxWatch, Inc., found that between 1977 and 1993, total taxes paid by Floridians to federal, state and local governments grew 363 percent.

During more prosperous times, serious discussion of tax reform was possible in the state. In 1988, Florida voters mandated the formation of a Tax and Budget Reform Commission of the state's top lawyers, business executives and political leaders. Its mission was to examine the appropriateness of the state's tax structure, determine the ability of the state and local governments to tax and adequately fund government operations to the year 2000, and identify revenue needs to the year 2000. It was given the authority to propose constitutional amendments regarding tax and budget reforms directly to the voters for approval, thereby bypassing the Governor and the state Legislature. The commission's efforts at budgetary reform (performance budgeting procedures and formats, multiyear forecasting, etc.) were more successful than those of tax reform. The commission was deeply divided on tax reform measures, to the disappointment of many who hoped the commission would recommend a state income tax and tax services. The recession in the early 1990s seems to have ended any serious discussion of tax reform in the state.

The first two years of the 1990s were the worst for the Florida economy. The biggest three spending areas of Florida's state government are education, transportation, and health and welfare. Deep cuts came from all three areas during the recession. A "hodge-podge" of revenue enhancement strategies and spending cuts helped the state make it through the recession. Automobile tax fees, fees for deed transfers and marriage licenses, and tuition increases at the state universities and community colleges were among the sources of new revenue.

The recession in Florida began to abate in early 1993, although the recovery has not been as sharp as past ones. Public sentiment about new taxes, however, has not abated. In 1997 a constitutional limitation in state revenue will take effect for the first time. The legislation that defines this new limitation states, "Growth in state revenues is limited to the average growth rate in Florida personal income over the preceding five years. The limitation is a single cap, applying to all state revenues-general revenues and trust funds. Growth is measured over the previous year's maximum revenues." Charles B. Reed, chancellor of the State University System (SUS), predicted that money would be much tighter for higher education as the limit on revenue growth takes effect and pressure builds for increased spending on corrections and other state services.

Services and trade, the fastest growing industries in Florida, will generate over 60 percent of new jobs between 1991 and 2005. State officials predict that all but six of the projected fastest growing occupations will require a bachelor's degree.

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Political Context

Although Florida has long been considered a staunchly Democratic, one-party, southern state, this has changed in recent years. The change began as a result of the implementation of the 1992 state legislative reapportionment plan. After the 1994 election, Republicans won the majority in the 40-member Senate. The Democratically controlled 120-member House was only three votes shy of a Republican majority. The state Legislature now more closely mirrors the registered voters in the state. Generally, most observers agree that the effects of reapportionment in Florida have provided more voice to the urban areas of the state.

A number of features make state government distinctive in Florida. The first is the initiative process, which enables a specified number of voters to directly propose a new law and place it on the ballot at a subsequent election. If the proposed language is approved by a majority of the voters, it becomes law. Observers note that Florida may be headed down the same path as California in terms of citizen-led initiatives. The number of constitutional amendments focusing on fiscal restraint is increasing. A second feature of the Florida political landscape is "sunshine": all meetings where the public's business is conducted must be open and publicly announced. A final feature of Florida's political context is the introduction of eight-year term limits for the Governor and members of the House and the Senate.

The Governor and Lieutenant Governor

The current Governor, Democrat Lawton Chiles, defeated the Republican incumbent, Bob Martinez, in the 1990 election and was reelected by a narrow margin in 1994, defeating Jeb Bush, son of President George Bush and an influential Miami realtor. Florida is commonly referred to as having a constitutionally "weak" Governor; the Governor can propose budgets and veto single line-items, but the Governor's cabinet is elected rather than appointed, thereby limiting his ability to implement his political agenda. The current seven-member cabinet is made up of three Republicans, one of whom is the Commissioner of Education.

The Governor makes appointments to the Board of Regents of the State University System and the boards of trustees for the local community colleges. In addition, he appoints the members of the Postsecondary Education Planning Commission (PEPC) and the State Board of Community Colleges (SBCC).

Several of those interviewed described former Democratic Governor Bob Graham as one of the most influential leaders in higher education during the 1980s. Graham had the good fortune to work with a Legislature of the same party, and he made higher education one of his top issues for the state. The current chancellor for the University System, Charles Reed, served as Graham's chief of staff. Since the emergence of a more competitive political system in Florida, the Governor's influence over major policy issues has weakened.

The role of the Lieutenant Governor in Florida, as in many other states, is primarily one of a figurehead.

The State Legislature

The Appropriations Committee in the House and the Ways and Means Committee in the Senate make most of the important decisions about state priorities and spending, including higher education.

Although the Governor is responsible for developing a budget for the state, many of those interviewed described his budget as "unrecognizable" at the end of the process, or "ignored" by the Legislature altogether. These descriptions are particularly apt since Florida has moved toward a more competitive, two-party state. Prior to the development of the state budget, the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, the cabinet, and the legislative leaders agree on revenue estimates (called "consensus estimates") for the state. All parties then work from the same estimates in developing the budget. The Governor submits his budget to the Legislature and the Legislature develops its own budget. The leaders of the House and Senate agree on the "lump sum" levels to be provided to different areas of state government and each of the committees is responsible for setting its priorities for spending within those levels. The conference process resolves disagreement over spending priorities between the House and the Senate. Once the conference committees reach agreement, the House and Senate usually support the outcome and the budget goes to the Governor for his approval.

The legislative appropriations process drives higher education policy in Florida. The influence of the chairs of the Appropriations and Education Committees with regard to higher education funding and policy is significant. Committee chairs change as often as every two years in the state, sometimes creating a confusing and constantly changing array of priorities for higher education. The Senate is seen as the "activist" body in formulating higher education policies, focusing its attention in recent years on performance-based budgeting, student credit hours, tuition, and the "deregulation" of higher education. Long-time legislative observers in the state agreed that the Senate's activism in higher education is not the result of recent political changes in the Senate. As one observer stated, "The Senate has always had a more contentious relationship with the State University System."

In recent years the House has focused attention on how to accommodate the growing demand for higher education in the state. House leaders have paid particular attention to how many first-time-in-college (FTIC) freshmen are permitted to enroll at the State University System. One legislative observer stated that House members are under political pressure to increase FTIC freshmen, particularly at the University of Florida (UF) and Florida State University (FSU), the two most "oversubscribed" institutions in the state.

Several administrators in the State University System (SUS) offices and on campuses also mentioned the influence of the legislative staff, particularly in the "activist" Senate. For most of the professionals who work in higher education, the Senate's involvement in matters of higher education policy is not seen as positive. The Florida legislative staff often conduct independent studies of higher education that can result in legislation being proposed. The most recent example is a study on student credit hours, which was conducted by the Legislature and which resulted in legislation that capped the state-funded hours to earn a degree. (This initiative is discussed in more detail below under "Issues for Higher Education.")

Many of those interviewed, particularly campus administrators, complained bitterly about the micromanagement of higher education by the Florida Legislature. One faculty member described legislative action as being focused around specific, fragmentary strategies, rather than deriving from an overall policy vision for higher education. A university administrator described how he was inundated with requests for information from the Legislature. Another said that even though the SUS budget comes as a lump sum, many provisos about expenditures are attached.

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