This case study synthesizes interview data with other sources to paint a descriptive picture of governance and related issues facing Michigan's system of higher education. It is based on documents gathered from public offices, higher education institutions and relevant publications. Interviews with state officials, education administrators, board members, faculty, and staff took place in September, October and December of 1995.


State Context

Political Context
Issues for Higher Education

 

Michigan is the eighth most populous state in the country, with 9.5 million residents. While the state is not projected to experience the high levels of population growth that many of the southern and western states are expected to face over the next decade, Michigan will face a changing demographic mix, with increasing numbers of minorities in the major population centers, and with a growing population in the western region. African-Americans make up the largest minority group in the state (14.5 percent of the state population) and their share of the population is expected to grow to almost 20 percent by the year 2020. Whites, who compose about 83 percent of the state's population now, are expected to constitute about 77 percent of the population in 2020. In 1995, approximately 41 percent of Michigan's population resided in its three largest counties: Wayne, Oakland and Macomb, which encompass the Detroit metropolitan area and its immediate suburbs. This concentration is expected to change somewhat, since the population growth is projected for the western part of the state rather than the Detroit area.

Of the states in this study, Michigan has the lowest percentage of its population that is non-Anglo (see Table 1). It has a low percentage of families who do not speak English in the home, and its high school dropout rate is also relatively low. The state is below average compared to other case study states in terms of educational attainment. Michigan is about average among the study states in terms of its per capita income, as well as the percentage of its families living in poverty.

Table 1
Contextual Variables for Michigan Compared to Selected States (Numbers in Parentheses Represent Rank Among the Seven Study States)
Contextual Variables
High
(1-2)
Average
(3-5)
Low
(6-7)
U.S.
Average
Population (in Millions) (1995)
9.5 (6)
Per Capita Income (in Thousands) (1995)
23.6 (4)
22.8
Potential Tax Revenue (1995-96)**
89 (7)
100
New High School Graduates per 1,000 Population (1995-96)*
9.7 (2)
9.6
Role of Private Higher Education§
Major
Role of Governor?
Strong
% of Population with Associate Degree (1990)
6.7 (2)
6.2
% of Population with Baccalaureate Degree (1990)
10.9 (7)
13.1
% of Population with Graduate or Professional Degree (1990)
6.4 (6)
7.2
% of Population 24 Years Old or Younger (1995)
35.9 (4)
35.5
% of Population that is Anglo (1990)
83.4 (1)
80.3
% of Population Who Do Not Speak English in Home (1990)
6.6 (6)
13.8
% of Population in Poverty (1994)
14.1 (5)
14.5
High School Dropout Rate (1992 to 1994 Average)
9.0 (5)
9.0
* This figure is expressed as an Index: National Average = 100.

Sources: Unless otherwise noted, data are drawn from Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac 43, no. 1 (September 1996), pp. 67-68.
*
From K. Halstead, State Profiles for Higher Education 1978 to 1996: Trend Data (Washington, D.C.: Research Associates of Washington, 1996), p. 48.
§ From Task Force on State Policy and Independent Higher Education, The Preservation of Excellence in American Higher Education: The Essential Role of Private Colleges and Universities (Denver: Education Commission of the States, 1990), pp. 30-32.
* From J. M. Burns, J. W. Peltason, and T. E. Cronin, State and Local Politics: Government by the People (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1990), p. 113.


For many years, Michigan's economy was dominated by the American automobile industry. One reason for the relatively low educational attainment levels among Michigan's population (Michigan ranks last among the study states in terms of the percentage of the population with a baccalaureate degree) is that the auto industry historically supplied high-wage jobs that did not require education beyond high school. As a result, many Michigan residents went directly from high school to the factories, earning higher wages immediately after high school than their counterparts did after earning bachelor's degrees.

The economy has changed, however, and with it the need for higher education. Downsizing in the automobile industry has led to a shift in the state's economic emphasis. Service jobs now outnumber manufacturing jobs in the state for the first time in history. This shift to a more service-oriented economy has brought a drop in measures of wealth. In the late 1970s, Michigan's per capita income was about eight percent higher than the national average; in 1993, per capita income was two percent below the national average.

Beginning in 1987, Michigan's economy experienced a significant slowdown, from which it has only recently begun to recover. The state's fiscal problems were tied to the downsizing in the automobile industry, and possibly exacerbated by the gradual phase-out of a state income tax increase (enacted in 1983). The state tax structure had historically been dominated by property taxes but recent changes will make the property tax burden lower and the sales tax burden higher.

The state budget is divided into three categories: general fund/general purpose, general fund/special purpose, and special revenue. The general fund/general purpose portion includes the discretionary moneys over which the Governor and Legislature have control. Most of the state's funding appropriated to higher education comes from this portion of the budget. As a result, higher education finds itself in direct competition for state dollars with Medicaid and criminal justice needs-a competition that has recently, according to one legislator, defined where the big budget battles are.

Michigan has experienced some significant changes in budget priorities over the past 25 years. From 1968 to 1993, for example, K-12 education decreased from about 33 percent of the state budget to 20.5 percent, higher education fell from 11 to 7.4 percent, and social services increased from 17 to 31 percent. (Note that these figures are percentages of the total budget: general fund/general purpose, special purpose, and special revenue.) These budget shifts were caused by high unemployment, increased federal requirements for social services, expansive prison construction, and declining enrollment in elementary and secondary schools. These trends have reversed somewhat over the past ten years.

Since the state's funding of higher education comes primarily from the general fund/general purpose (GF/GP) portion of the budget, it is useful to look at that portion in isolation. Higher education did fairly well in terms of its share of the overall GF/GP budget during the 1980s, but its share has declined in the first part of this decade. In 1980, for example, higher education comprised about 16.7 percent of the GF/GP budget. In 1989, this share increased to 19.3 percent, but it returned to 16.7 percent in 1994.

Total dollars, however, have increased during the 1990s. The fiscal year 1996 budget called for $1.31 billion of general fund revenue for universities, an increase of 4.7 percent from fiscal year 1995. Community colleges received $253 million in fiscal year 1996, and increase of 2.1 percent over the previous year. Table 2 shows growth in General Fund/General Purpose spending to higher education from 1990 to 1996; this growth is more than twice the growth rate for general fund spending overall. Most of the individuals we interviewed said that higher education had fared fairly well during the 1990s, and that the fact that overall state support did not decrease was a positive sign.

Table 2
General Fund/General Purpose Appropriations
To Michigan Higher Education, FY 1990 to FY 1996

(Dollars in Thousands)
FY 1990
FY 1996
Change
Public Universities
$1,104,595.8
$1,308,075.7
18%
Public Community Colleges
$212,490.5
$253,009
19%
Source: Michigan Department of Management and Budget, "Fiscal Year 1997 Executive Budget" (www.michigan.state.mi.us), not paginated.

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Political Context

Through the early part of this decade, Michigan experienced some dramatic political shifts, both in terms of party control and geographic power. Prior to the 1994 elections, Democrats controlled both the House and the Senate, and the balance of power was in the Detroit metropolitan area. The election of a Republican majority in the 1994 elections shifted the power base to the western part of the state, the home of the Governor and several key legislators. In 1995-96 Republicans held a 22-to-16 majority in the Senate, and a 56-to-54 majority in the House. This marked the first time that Republicans have had full control in the Legislature in nearly 25 years.

Republican Governor John Engler was elected to his first term in 1990, defeating Democratic incumbent Jim Blanchard by only 17,000 votes. Engler was elected on an agenda to "cut taxes, downsize government, create jobs, improve Michigan's business climate, and improve the quality of the public schools." He was reelected in 1994 with more than 61 percent of the vote, the second largest margin of victory in Michigan history. Prior to taking over the Governor's office, Engler had served in the state Legislature for 20 years, serving as majority leader in the state Senate from 1983 to 1990.

One respondent described the election of Engler as the "first break in the old power structure." During an earlier era, the Legislature was seen as all-powerful. With recent shifts in the control of the Legislature (Republicans now control both houses), the Governor is in a position to exert much greater political influence, and has done so.

Constitutionally, Michigan is a strong Governor state, due primarily to the Governor's budget and line-item veto powers. The Governor has exercised his veto power with regard to higher education, as evidenced by his 1995 veto of the appropriation for Highland Park Community College, an institution in the Detroit area. In making his veto, the Governor cited financial mismanagement and declining enrollment. The Governor is seen as the most influential person for higher education because he introduces the budget, which becomes the key document used by the Legislature. The Governor also appoints 10 of the 13 university governing boards in the state.

Governor Engler has exerted his power in other ways as well. He has eliminated about 40 to 50 commissions and boards since taking office; he has also eliminated the public relations offices in all state agencies, leaving only his own office with a public relations component. Several interviewees suggested that the Governor has tried to reduce the influence of elected boards in the state by moving key programs from agencies with boards to those without boards. One example can be found in the recent transfer of the state's financial aid programs from the Department of Education to the Department of Treasury. In addition, Governor Engler hand-picks the Republican candidates for the three elected boards in higher education, the first Governor to develop this practice.

Legislature

Republican control of the House and Senate has meant major changes in the power structure in the Legislature, and additional changes are likely to occur over the next several years. The state has recently enacted a term-limit initiative that will limit terms of House members to six years and Senators to eight. The Governor is limited to two four-year terms. Many of our respondents suggested that term limits will change the system significantly; in the past, the system relied heavily on people who have progressed through seniority to positions of greater power, but in the process have been socialized to a traditional set of values and a way of doing business. Term limits will change that, but no one knows for sure what the impact will be.

With regard to higher education, the two most powerful legislative committees are the Senate Subcommittee on Appropriations for Higher Education and the House Appropriations Committee. We were told that the chairs of these two committees are very powerful, and that much of what happens in terms of funding for higher education has to do with who holds these two chairmanships. The House and Senate appropriations committees are said to take a very different approach to higher education. One senator said that while the Senate holds congenial hearings on the campuses of institutions, the House Appropriations Committee tends to "bring presidents in and browbeat them." A House member said there are many representatives who would like to be more prescriptive about what higher education can and cannot do, but the Senate and the more experienced members of the House would be unlikely to support such efforts.

Both the Senate and the House rely on non-partisan fiscal agencies for information and analysis on higher education and other public issues. These agencies have very small staffs, but believe they have sufficient resources to handle the requests that are received. The fiscal agencies operate under a requirement of confidentiality: they cannot reveal anything that a legislator asks them to do.

The Legislature is said to have a fairly good relationship with institutions of higher education. Generally speaking, legislators try to keep everyone "healthy," and no one is out to "kill" an institution.

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Issues for Higher Education

"Priorities come and go with various Governors," said one respondent. They "depend particularly on the state's economic situation," said another. A university board member echoed what we heard from many respondents, arguing that "There is no consensus opinion as to what the state collectively looks for in its higher education system." Nonetheless, our respondents did identify a number of issues that have been and continue to be implicit priorities for the state, including: economic development, efficiency, quality, relevance, and affordability.

Affordability was the issue most commonly cited as a "state priority" by our respondents. Concern over access is directly related to affordability; while the state does not expect a large increase in the number of students entering higher education, there is a great deal of concern about whether the students who want to attend institutions of higher education will be able to afford it. Michigan is a high-tuition state that relies increasingly on student and parent contributions. As tuition has increased, students and their families are paying a larger share of the cost of education. Michigan's "tuition factor"-that is, the percentage of tuition relative to total revenues (state and local appropriations plus student tuition)-rose from 34.4 percent in 1986 to 44.5 percent in 1995. The national average for the tuition factor in 1995 was 31.4 percent. Most policy makers and educators acknowledge that the issue of affordability will have to be addressed if the state is to continue to provide access to future students.

Another key policy issue that has received a fair amount of public attention is the percentage of out-of-state undergraduates at the University of Michigan. Many legislators-and in particular a previous chair of the House Appropriations Committee-have indicated that the university is doing a disservice to Michigan residents by enrolling too high a percentage of out-of-state students. The legislators have argued that access is unfairly denied to Michigan residents in favor of out-of-state students who bring in significantly higher tuition revenues. (Tuition for non-residents is close to $15,000 per year compared to $5,000 for state residents). University officials have said that the university is becoming less a state university and increasingly a national and international university, and therefore it is appropriate to have a very selective admissions process that admits a large percentage of students from out of the state. Several years ago the Legislature asked that the university take no more than 30 percent of its undergraduate student body from out-of-state. After the university failed to meet this target, the Legislature withheld resources temporarily. The Legislature eventually gave the university the money that was withheld, but the tension over out-of-state enrollment continues.

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